Support for Education of Underprivileged Children


Pl support to boost education of Rural Children and Develop Meera Learning Center for providing quality education to underprivileged children through Navodaya Mission. Your small contribution may help some kids to achieve their dreams and come out from vicious cycle of poverty. Donate this month a book for this noble cause which may change the life of an underprivileged children.

ItemRateNo of Students TotalBooks Distribute Payment Status 
JNV Entrance Books200306000For Students of Nearby Village maily Telgawan
Hindi Vyakaran180305400For Students of Nearby Village maily Telgawan
Hindi – English Translation166304980For Students of Nearby Village maily Telgawan
Lucent Samanya Gyan80302400
Account Detail    Navodaya Mission Trust,
ACCOUNT NUMBER: 37 288 740 410,
IFSC Code: SBIN0007937,
MICR Code: 486002068,
State Bank of India, Vindhya Nagar, Waidhan, Singrauli            

Address for Sending Books directly     NH2/C3, Vindhyanagar, Waidhan,
Singrauli, MP-486885

Invitation: Teach online for Underprivileged children


Meera Online Learning Center is an initiative of Navodaya Mission to provide open platform to all who are desirous to impart knowledge by developing videos. Pl mail me if you are willing to teach for poor at

We will invite you to become author so that you yourself manage your post.

You may upload on Meera YouTube Channel here:


Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences (the Nobel prize)

Nobel Prize

  • Economics: David Card, Joshua Angrist and Guido Imbens
  • Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences (the Nobel prize) has been awarded to David Card for his empirical contribution to labour economics and to Joshua Angrist and Guido Imbens for pioneering new methods to analyse causal relationships. 
  • Although neoclassical theories are elegant, questions were raised about their real-life evidence. Do economists have credible evidence such that policymakers and the public can take them seriously? Nobel laureates Abhijit Banerjee and Esther Duflo point out that the lack of evidence is one of the reasons economists were considered less credible.
  • For an evidence-based approach, understanding the causal relationship between different factors, therefore, becomes imperative. A classic example of a causal relationship is the impact of education on lifetime earnings — would one extra year of education increase earnings and by what magnitude?
  •  In a randomised control trial, Duflo, along with others tested how monitoring and financial incentives reduced teacher absenteeism and improved learning in India.
  • That is where the idea of “natural experiments” becomes illuminating which rely on random variation without any manipulation by researchers. 
  • Card and Alan Krueger designed their famous natural experiment based on the changes in the minimum wage in New Jersey and compared it with Pennsylvania, which has not experienced similar changes. They studied employment in the fast-food industry in the two states before and after the wage changes in New Jersey. Contrary to the predictions of standard economic theory, they found a slight increase in employment in New Jersey compared to Pennsylvania.
  • Angrist and Imbens have also designed many natural (quasi) experiments and have been developing a statistical toolkit to precisely estimate the causal effects of policies.
  • The study of causality is not novel to the research community. However, causal relations were not extensively studied with empirical methods in social sciences.
  • Newton’s second law proposes that an object in uniform motion will continue its motion unless some external force is applied. Credibility revolutionists use this very principle to explain economic dynamics. 
  • Nonetheless, “causality is no correlation” is the most common catchphrase for these revolutionaries. To distinguish causal links from correlation, economists rely on counterfactuals. For example, in the Card and Krueger study, they show that employment in two states had been evolving in parallel fashion before changes in the minimum wage. 
  • It is worth considering two studies based on two flagship programmes of the Government of India — the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana and the Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Vidyutikaran Yojana. The general assumption that policymakers make is that rural infrastructure programmes would increase farm and off-farm economic activities and reduce poverty. However, recent studies by Sam Asher, Paul Novosad, Fiona Burlig and Louis Preonas point out that while such programmes increase road and electricity connectivity, they do not cause significant economic development even four to five years after completion.



  • government organisations need to create capacity for GIS-based planning and leveraging the potential of satellite-based imagery
  • data is not being utilised “efficiently”, it recommends the appointment of special monitoring officers across departments
  • the government’s push for digitising all land records by 2023 under the central database called ‘Matribhumi’: “Each parcel of land will have a Unique ID for ease of tracking of transactions. Integration with e-Courts system will provide transparency on title/ possession related issues,”
  • While the 60-point plan is targeted at specific ministries and departments, it can be be broadly categorised under three heads: leveraging IT and technology for governance; improving business climate; and upgrading the civil services.
  • 100-200 iconic structures and sites. It says “centres of excellence” may be set up in rural areas through PPP, taking a cue from such centres in Singapore.

Coal Crisis

  • The post-Covid economic recovery has led to a major increase in the demand for power, both in India and globally
  • In India, coal-based power plants have witnessed rapid depletion of coal stocks from a comfortable 28 days at the end of March to a precarious level of four days by the end of September
  • structural as well as operational reasons
  • A government-appointed committee in the early 1990s concluded that CIL “cannot be expected to meet the demand of the power sector, in case the pace of capacity addition accelerates.” This led to an amendment in the Coal Mines Nationalisation Act (CMNA) in 1993 that enabled the government to take away 200 coal blocks of 28 billion tons from CIL and allocate them to end-users for the captive mining of coal.
  • These end-users, mostly in the private sector, failed to produce any significant quantity of coal to meet the rapidly rising power capacity between 2007 and 2016.
  • The cancellation of 214 blocks by the Supreme Court added to the problem.
  • Commensurate to the captive mines allocated to the end-user industries, the coal production today should have been at least 500 million tonnes per annum (mtpa). In reality, this has never exceeded 60 mtpa. 
  • On the operational side, power plants are required by the Central Electricity Authority (CEA) to maintain a minimum stock of 15 to 30 days of normative coal consumption, depending upon the distance of the plant from the source of coal.
  • The persistent non-payment of coal sale dues by power plants to coal companies has created a serious strain on their working capital position.
  • The persistent shortage of coal production by the privatised and captive mines forced India to import around 200 million tonnes (mt) of coal. Of this, more than 40 per cent goes to meet the demands of power plants. 
  • Thousands of workers and officers were infected and hospitalised and more than 250 CIL employees lost their lives.
  • The coal price charged by CIL, expressed in energy units, is at a deep discount of 60-70 per cent of imported coal.


Human Rights

  • In 1948, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). The document articulated the rights and freedoms to which every human being is equally and inalienably entitled.
  • Article 19 of the UDHR declares that “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference….” Article 20 declares that “Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.” Article 3 declares that “Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.”
  • Defending human rights — rights that are recognised to reside in every human being and are not conferred by the state — requires vigilant scrutiny of, and curbs on, the power exercised by the state.
  • The NHRC is India’s statutory human rights body, intended to act as an independent watchdog to monitor the actions of the state and its agencies.
  • India’s human rights defenders were accused of seeing “human rights violations in certain incidents but not in other similar incidents” and declared that such a “selective” human rights lens “tarnishes the nation’s image”-PM Modiji
  • Sudha Bharadwaj, a leading human rights defender who is in prison for the past three years thanks to flimsy charges under a draconian law, exposed rights violations in Chhattisgarh’s Bastar when the Union home ministry, then under the control of Modi’s rival, the Congress, unleashed “Operation Green Hunt” that resulted in the rape, massacre and displacement of Adivasi civilians in the name of combating Maoist insurgents.
  • Human rights bodies like the PUCL and PUDR held the Congress regime accountable for the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi in 1984 just as they held the BJP and Modi accountable for the killings of Muslims in Gujarat in 2002.
  • October 3, 2021, in a place called Lakhimpur Kheri in Uttar Pradesh. Farmers were protesting against three agriculture-related laws enacted by — actually rushed through — Parliament. A convoy of vehicles (of which at least two have been identified) driven at great speed behind the marching farmers mowed down four protesters. Violence followed. Three occupants of the car were caught by the enraged crowd and beaten to death. A journalist also died. The lead vehicle belonged to the Minister of State (MoS) for Home in the Central government. 
  • Bhima Koregaon, Maharashtra. On June 6, 2018, five social activists were arrested by police on charges of instigating caste violence in Bhima Koregaon in January 2018. The five included a lawyer, an English professor, a poet and publisher, and two human rights activists.
  • These included egregious excesses such as search and seizure without a warrant; whisking away a prisoner without an order of transit remand; denial of a lawyer of the prisoner’s choice; refusal of the State to bear the cost of hospital treatment of a prisoner; refusal to give medical reports to a prisoner; refusal of a commode chair to a prisoner suffering from arthritis; refusal of a full-sleeve sweater; refusal of books by Swami Vivekananda; arbitrary withdrawal of the case from the Maharashtra Police and its transfer to the National Investigation Agency

The pursuit of human rights and justice

  • Pandora Papers: reveals the secrets of “wealthy elites from more than 200 countries and territories” and data about “tax and secrecy havens”.
  • A spectre of the global economy as a supersystem for wealth-maximisation run amok, reveals again the menacing faith, and face, of the worship of private profit. Giant footprints of illicit economies by the enemies of impoverished people everywhere continue to endanger human rights, justice, and collective human security.
  • “Jahan bajti hai shehnai, wahan matam bhi hote hain (Where the trumpets sound, there is also lamentation)”
  • The global movements for tax justice take people’s suffering and civic lamentation seriously as a way of taking human rights seriously.
  • The European Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has blown its trumpet by announcing its inclusive framework’s statement (backed by 134 countries and jurisdictions and extending to over 90 per cent of the global economy). It adopts a two-pillar solution: Pillar one applies to about 100 of the biggest and most profitable MNEs and re-allocates part of their profit to the countries where they sell their products and provide their services — this would obviate the unfair corporate governance practices, which specialise in tax avoidance and evasion. Under pillar two, any company with over EUR 750 million of annual revenue would now be subject to an effective minimum rate of 15 per cent.
  • The OECD declares that “tax havens” would “no longer exist” and that “international financial services may continue” only on “the basis that they add real economic value for their customers and support for commercial transactions that are not tax-driven”.



Gandhi and Savarkar

  • Mahatma Gandhi is known as the Father of the Nation as he “fathered” many of the ideas that are the guiding principles for present-day Bharat.
  • He made our freedom struggle a true “national” struggle, which embraced multiple regions, religions and classes.
  • He fathered the idea of equality.
  • He gave us non-violence as a method to achieve independence by changing the heart of the oppressor. 
  • Any freedom struggle has two aims. One is to achieve independence from colonialism; the other is seeding and nurturing the ideas and values on the basis of which nation-building is to be done. 
  • If you look at the Indian freedom struggle in a broader way, two individuals dominated the paradigm from 1911 to 1947 — V D Savarkar and Gandhi. One is known as Mahatma (the saint), while the other is known as Veer (the braveheart).
  • Both were conscious of their Hindu identity and were orthodox Hindus.
  • Gandhi was more assertive — he described himself as a Sanatani Hindu and cow worshipper. Savarkar was more progressive in his approach — he was averse to the ritualistic aspects of the Hindu religion.
  • Gandhi championed the cause of Ramrajya, which is an ideal state where equality and justice prevail. For Savarkar, it was the Hindu Rashtra in which anyone who is born in the motherland and loves his country is a Hindu irrespective of their religion. For him, Hinduness was not sectarian or religious but a cultural identity emanating from a shared history and bloodline.
  • Both advocated for Hindi as a common language for the unification of Bharat.
  • Both the father of the nation and the “son of the nation” studied law and were barristers.
  • Both were authors and wrote extensively on contemporary political and social issues. Both wrote books in the same year, 1909 — Gandhi’s Hind Swaraj and Savarkar’s The Indian War for Independence on the 1857 uprising.
  • For Savarkar, creating a strong national character by nurturing the individual with the cultural and ideological roots of Hindu culture would lead to an assertive nation that was militarised — all of this necessary to fight the Empire. For his strong ideas and valour, Savarkar was charged with sedition, extradited and sentenced to transportation for two life terms (“Kala Paani”), amounting to a 50-year sentence.
  • Both Gandhi and Savarkar were proactive social reformers. Both opposed untouchability. Each appreciated the other in his writings. After he was released with conditional confinement from the jail, Savarkar was engaged in a massive social reform project in Ratnagiri. He worked to uproot the caste system, advocated inter-caste dining, inter-caste and inter-regional marriages, widow remarriage, female education and temple entry for all castes. Even Gandhiji was for reforming Hinduism from within and eradicating caste-based differences.
  • In The Indian War for Independence, he hailed 1857 as the first war of independence. Interestingly, Karl Marx also called this the first war of independence in his articles in the New York Tribune. Gandhi did not have any clear enunciation of the uprising of 1857.
  • For both Gandhi and Savarkar, the ultimate goal of the freedom struggle was independence. For Gandhi, the end had to be justified through the means. Non-violence, satyagraha, “changing the mind of the oppressor” were essential. For Savarkar, the goal of complete and immediate independence was more important than the means. These means could be non-violent, fighting openly with the British and even aligning with their enemies.
  • The word “eureka”, though wrongly assigned in legend to Archimedes, came from the older Greek term heurisko, a sudden outburst of frenzy in discovering ways of solving problems.
  • Savarkar had pleaded, “If the government in their manifold beneficence and mercy release me, I for one cannot but be the staunchest advocate of constitutional progress and loyalty to the English government which is the foremost condition of that progress… Moreover, my conversion to the constitutional line would bring back all those misled young men in India and abroad who were once looking up to me as their guide. I am ready to serve the Government in any capacity they like, for as my conversion is conscientious so I hope my future conduct would be.” In order to appeal to the Christian piety of the colonial administration, he alluded to the Biblical story of the prodigal son, “The Mighty alone can afford to be merciful and therefore where else can the prodigal son return but to the parental doors of the Government?”
  • Savarkar was brought back to the mainland in 1921, the very year in which Gandhi was given complete control of the Congress. Just a year earlier, in 1920, B R Ambedkar had launched his newspaper, Mooknayak. Over the next three decades, these three barristers generated three distinct narratives for India. Gandhi proposed gram swaraj, communal harmony and non-violence. Ambedkar proposed equality and justice as the backbone of a modern society and placed them at the heart of the Constitution. Savarkar came up with his ideas of Hindu nationalism.